THE CIRCUMSCRIPTION THEORY BY R.CARNEIRO
 IN THE SOCIO-ONTOLOGICAL AND MACROSOCIOLOGICAL CONTEXT

 

Nikolai Rozov

 

Published:

Social Evolution & History. 2012. Ò. 11. ¹ 2. Ñ. 86-91

 

The theory of origin of the state by Robert Carneiro [1970] is, no doubt, is one of brightest achievements in the 20-th century macrosociology. From a methodological point of view the theory is significant firstly because it is built with a high degree of logical correctness, and secondly, because, when faced with anomalies, it has been successfully improved in direct line with the concept of scientific research programs (I.Lakatos). In this paper we will focus on the coherence criterion (between theory and other theories and more general scientific and philosophical paradigms

The Hempel’s logical scheme of the nomological (based on laws) explanation and prediction [Hempel 1942], despite decades of severe criticism occurred to be the core of the most successful research programs. According to the Hempel’s scheme, a full-fledged scientific theory must explain and predict phenomena by means of deductive judgments that connect initial conditions and universal laws. In his last article Carneiro formulated the main thesis of his theory: “A heightened incidence of conquest warfare, due largely to an increase in population pressure, gave rise to the formation of successively larger political units, with autonomous villages being followed by chiefdoms, the process culminating in certain areas with the emergence of the state” [Carneiro 2012]. A possible explication (with some simplification) of the thesis can be presented in the following form: In all cases where a combination of conditions

C1 - demographic pressures,

C2 - regular war oriented to conquest,

a phenomenon e occurs, which belongs too the class of phenomena E, i.e. political evolution as a formation of larger political units from autonomous villages through chiefdoms to states.

The generic quantifier immediately gives rise to legitimate doubts whether in all cases with these conditions political units really enlarge and integrate. From the theory of geopolitical dynamics by R.Collins we know the effect of overextension and fragmentation of vast conquest societies. If states are susceptible to disintegration so pre-state political forms which are less efficient in control and maintain integrity should also break down because of overextension.

Moreover some polities may stop conquest and consolidation, and remain at the stage of chiefdom. This point was discussed by Carneiro in an earlier paper where he presented empirical observations and generalizations about the size of population and territorial threshold for chiefdom [Carneiro 1988]. The stable integrity of such large communities (which should be distinguished from the sporadic military mobilization of autonomous chiefdoms or tribes) is achieved only by transition to statehood.

Carneiro points to the following criterion of statehood: a presence of a central government capable to enforce people to work and war [Carneiro 1970]. Generally speaking, a strong and respected leader of a chiefdom, relying on his close associates (military elite), can also compel people to work and war. What is so different from the "central government"? The main difference is the new institutional quality, namely, the power structure of functional positions (‘offices’) and the rules of interaction between them, relatively autonomous from kinship relations and personal ties between individuals, moreover this structure passes on from generation to generation. 

This structure ensures preservation of power, integrity of management processes in inevitable conditions of aging and death of the ruling elite. These features make a state in general, more efficient and robust than the previous form: simple and compound chiefdoms.

The structure of a universal law can be represented graphically as follows (Fig. 1).

 Figure 1. Schematic representation of the basic law of origin of state in the circumscription theory.

Presence of the ‘black box’ as a mediator between the ‘inputs’ (initial conditions, reasons) and ‘outputs (consequences, effects) of the process is legitimate and justified in the Hempel’s logical scheme, but it is treated as insufficient in the methodology of Daniel Little [Little 1991], who requires to present the social mechanism of transition, i.e. to transform the ‘black box’ into ‘a transparent one’.

It should be noted that in the classic paper [Carneiro 1970] the mechanism of consolidation of political units has been shown in general terms, partly in form of empirical generalizations, partly reconstructed on the common sense basis but not on a theoretical level.

How to represent the mechanism of origin of state theoretically? If to follow the same Hempelian principles then it is needed to point out general rules and conditions of regularities which lead to the processes that make up the mechanism. Since the latter has clearly a complex nature, we use a general analytic representation of the structure of social ontology and consider the processes in each of ‘worlds’ (spheres of Being).

Social ontology constructed for conceptualization of historical dynamics consists of four ‘worlds’ (in the sense of Popper): the material world (biotehnosphere), psychosphere, cultural sphere, and sociosphere [Rozov, 2002, Chapter 3]. Each sphere is characterized by a special type of substances (physical objects, psychic phenomena, cultural patterns and social structures, respectively). 

Also, there are specific laws in each sphere. Organisms of people, landscapes with the resources, food, clothing, shelter and weapons belong to the material world. The effect of (physical) constraint refers specifically to this sphere of being. The special configuration of the natural landscape, i.e. an abundance of resources in the middle and barriers at the edges that prevent escapement, drives several laws which, in fact, are common to human and animal populations and are not intended to refer to any psychological, social or cultural explanations.

First, the population concentrated in the areas of resource abundance.

Secondly, in terms of the abundance the accelerated population growth takes place.

Third, barriers to escape (physical barriers, steep resource gradient) lead to the fact that the streams of migration do not compensate the continuing population growth, resulting in increased population pressure, which is expressed in a systematic lack of resources, increasing discomfort, trying to capture resources and territory as source of resources.

Appeal to the world of consciousness, psychics (psychosphere), and to the world of social interactions and structures (sociosphere) is justified when you need an explanation of a certain type of behavior or a certain strategy among several possible ones. In our case, the main interest is the choice of strategy of conquest. In fact, the demographic pressure, corresponding increase of resource scarcity, and general discomfort do not automatically lead to attempts for conquests. There are few typical answers to the challenges of resource scarcity:

1)     ceremonial practices (call rain, prayers, communion with spirits, and so on.)

2)     search for new types of resources in the same area, attempts to use previously neglected resources;

3)     invention and borrowing, allowing to compensate for losses ("technical progress");

4)     conservation of reserves, limiting consumption, establishment of appropriate regulations;

5)     practice of birth control;

6)     search for new, more favorable locations, migration;

7)     raids on neighboring communities for the purpose of robbery;

8)     attempts to gain from expulsion, the capture of a foreign land, extermination or expulsion of the vanquished;

9)     attempts to subordinate the conquered population.

Probably, in different places in different strategies as 1-5 have been used, but they either did not give the effect of (1) or provided only a temporary effect (2-4), or require too much social costs (3-5). The migration strategy (6) hampered as a result of constrained situation (surrounded by almost impassable barriers). Raids with robbery (7) are probably the most natural and common response strategy for resource scarcity, as it provides a quick and tangible results, especially if people already has storage technology (so there is something to rob); successful raids also contribute to social cohesion and enhance the leaders’ prestige .

It is obvious that the raids and robbery is a mutual practice. It leads not only to development of raids strategies, but also to security and defense strategies (palisades, ditches, walls, patrol, and so on). Coalition-building, especially through marriage, the expansion of kinship structures are ways to improve military capabilities for defense and for attack.

Under these new conditions a successful raid can not be limited only by robbery. There is also an urgent task to secure a settlement from expected revenge raids. New defense practices can not be spontaneous, but they require serious preparation, special ammunition, military training, practices (rituals) for a group emotional excitement.

The usual egalitarian structure of small communities (villages) is no longer suitable for this purpose. Military mobilization requires a special, usually a vertical social structure, which was originally performed in a clan with patriarchal relations, extended (socially constructed) fraternity, etc. Increasingly complex functions of creation, collection and redistribution of military resources (weapons, fortifications, food) lead to specialization. However, the specialization structures of chiefdom, built mainly on kinship relations (real or contingent) under the change of generations are crumbling and need for restoration. It seems probable an intermediate stage between chiefdom and state structures where individual families and clans specialize in a particular feature of military mobilization. This order was maintained and in very late stages of statehood, for example, in a certain system of Russian ‘mestnichestvo’.

The Carneiro’s theory almost completely lacks of cultural components, however, it is clear that the cardinal historical transit to statehood could not occur without dramatic shifts in cultural patterns (units of the culturosphere). The state, like any other social institution can be sustained and preserved for generations only accompanied with a complex of sacred symbols and new regular rituals that actualize these symbols and maintain new social relations. Features of symbols and rituals can be reconstructed from archeological and anthropological data.

References

Carneiro, Robert. A Theory of the Origin of the State // Science. 1970. Vol. 169. P.733 - 738.

Carneiro, Robert. The Circumscription Theory: Challenge and Response // American Behavioral Scientist. 1988. Vol. 31. P.497 - 511.

Carneiro, Robert. The Circumscription Theory: a Clarification, Amplification, and Reforumluation // This volume.

Collins, Randall. Macrohistory: Essays in Sociology of the Long Run. Stanford Univ. Press, 1999.

Little, Daniel. Varieties of Social Explanation: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Social Science. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1991.

Rozov, Nikolai S. Filosofia I Teoria Iistorii (Philosophy and theory of history. Book 1. Prolegomena) Moscow, Logos, 2002. http://www.nsu.ru/filf/rozov/publ/fti/.